• The Qilin ransomware group has developed a highly sophisticated infection chain that targets and disables over 300 endpoint detection and response (EDR) solutions. As defenders improve behavioral detection capabilities, attackers are increasingly targeting the defense layer itself during the early stages of a breach. By deploying a malicious “msimg32.dll” file, attackers can bypass traditional antivirus […]

    The post Qilin Ransomware Deploys Malicious DLL to Disable Most EDR Defenses appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • A threat actor known as “Mr. Raccoon” claims to have breached Adobe, stealing a massive amount of sensitive data. According to a report by International Cyber Digest, the stolen files include 13 million customer support tickets, 15,000 employee records, internal documents, and all of the company’s HackerOne bug bounty submissions. The attacker did not hack […]

    The post Adobe Data Breach Allegedly Exposes 13 Million Support Tickets appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • Ukraine has sent hundreds of counter-drone experts to the Middle East to help the militaries of the United States, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE defend themselves from Iranian and Russian Shahed drones. Among them is Ukrainian Air Force Capt. Max Maslii, deputy chief of staff for the 96th Anti-Aircraft Missile Brigade, who visited Washington, D.C., in March as part of a Ukrainian defense forces delegation. In this Defense One interview, Maslii describes how Ukraine is using robot swarms, agentic AI, and frontline innovation to define the future of military operations. He outlines how U.S. and NATO militaries must change how they buy, train, and conduct operations to meet the reality of robotic warfare. 

    Watch: 

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  • The U.S. military declared space superiority over Iran this week, but defense experts question what that means given the country’s inchoate military space program and heavy reliance on space-based intelligence from other nations.

    Adm. Brad Cooper, the head of U.S. Central Command, said Tuesday that the U.S. had established control of the space domain during Operation Epic Fury. It was nearly a month after CENTCOM had announced “Iran's equivalent of Space Command” was destroyed, which harmed the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ ability to coordinate retaliatory strikes.

    “Our Space Force has given us the ultimate high ground, delivering space superiority, which has been a critical enabler to this fight,” Cooper said in a Tuesday video.

    It’s not clear if the country is still actively jamming or spoofing U.S. assets, and it’s highly unlikely that the U.S. Space Force has physically destroyed the country’s handful of satellites. Navy Capt. Tim Hawkins, a CENTCOM spokesperson, said he could not discuss details about space operations “due to classification.” Given Iran's rudimentary space capabilities, defense experts question what has changed to prompt the military to declare space superiority.

    “It isn’t stopping them from using space assets,” Victoria Samson, the Secure World Foundation’s chief director of space security and stability, said of the U.S. declaring space superiority.  “There’s just a lot of question marks … In regards to how they use space as a national security enabler, I don’t know that they’ve really stopped it, because they weren’t using it other than for imagery analysis.” 

    Iran is reportedly relying on China and Russia’s intelligence and commercial space-based imagery to target U.S. assets throughout the region. A U.S. official told Defense One that Iran’s use of another country’s space-based data doesn’t mean the service lacks control of the space domain.

    “Just because the Iranians are receiving space-based intelligence doesn’t negate that we have space superiority,” the official said.

    Since 2005, the country has launched a total of 26 satellites, only 13 of which were still operational, according to the American Enterprise Institute’s space data navigator tool. Three of those are registered to the IRGC. The U.S., by comparison, has upwards of 500 operational military and intelligence satellites. 

    Gen. Chance Saltzman, the Space Force’s top uniformed officer, acknowledged “it wasn’t really a fair fight,” but said destroying Iran’s space capabilities gave the military an upper hand in communications and air operations within CENTCOM. 

    “You have space superiority if you can use space the way you want, and the adversary cannot use space the way they want, and I think those are the conditions that we've met in this particular instance,” Saltzman said during a Mitchell Institute event Wednesday.

    The term “space superiority” was first publicized in a 1980s Air Force manual. A 2004 service document likened the idea to air superiority and said the two are “crucial first steps in any military operation.” Last year, the Space Force published a warfighting doctrine that said the service’s “formative purpose” is to achieve space superiority.  

    “Space superiority is the degree of control that allows forces to operate at a time and place of their choosing without prohibitive interference from space or counterspace threats, while also denying the same to an adversary,” the Space Force’s doctrine reads.

    Some defense experts see the recent declaration of space superiority as a way for the service to highlight its warfighting rebrand in recent years. 

    “It’s a weird thing to say. I think it’s more a matter of floating the ‘Space Force as a warfighting’ thing,” Samson said.

    Kari Bingen, a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and director of the Aerospace Security Project, said it’s not surprising to see the Space Force becoming more integrated into operations, given adversaries’ desire to target command, control, communications, and intelligence capabilities.

    “Between Venezuela and Operation Epic Fury, these have been opportunities for the Space Force to better integrate space effects into a joint military campaign,” Bingen said. “We’ve long treated space as this special and different capability set. The physics are different, but to make it truly useful to the joint force, it needs to be fully integrated into planning and operations.” 

    Saltzman said guardians had been forward deployed to support Operation Epic Fury and continue to launch space effects in combat zones “despite being under attack from an adversary.” He also said some guardians are supporting the operation stateside out of Shaw Air Force Base in South Carolina and CENTCOM headquarters in Florida.

    “I won’t go into a lot of the operational details, as you might imagine, but you don't have to think too hard to understand what it is the Guardians are bringing to the fight,” Saltzman said. “All of the missions that we always do—missile warning, satellite communications. The links are vital. Over-the-horizon communications is as important now as it ever has been. We create disruption for an adversary.”

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  • Gen. Randy George, the Army’s chief of staff, is stepping down early from his position at the request of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, CBS News first reported Thursday. 

    While spokespeople for the service and George did not immediately return requests for comment, a Defense official confirmed to Defense One that the service had been waiting for the other shoe to drop since the Army’s vice chief of staff was pushed out late last year.

    “This shift was widely anticipated the moment Gen. [Jim] Mingus was let go,” said the official, who was not authorized to speak on the record about the matter. 

    Mingus spent fewer than two years in the vice position, which is traditionally a four-year job. In his place, President Donald Trump nominated then-Army Lt. Gen. Christopher LaNeve, Hegseth’s senior military aide, who was confirmed by the Senate in January

    George became chief of staff in the fall of 2023, setting him up for an expected retirement in October 2027. 

    When George became chief of staff in fall 2023, he was expected to retire in October 2027. But the moves have set up a scenario where he could be forced out and Hegseth could quickly replace him with an ally. 

    “General Randy A. George will be retiring from his position as the 41st Chief of Staff of the Army effective immediately. The Department of War is grateful for General George’s decades of service to our nation. We wish him well in his retirement,” Pentagon spokesman Seth Parnell said Thursday on social media.

    George is the latest senior military official fired by Hegseth with little explanation, a string that began with the removal of the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the chief of naval operations, and the vice chief of staff of the Air Force in February 2025. 

    Though the Army was spared at the time, the Mingus and George firings have raised questions about whether Hegseth has his eye on the Army’s civilian leadership as well. 

    “Secretary Hegseth is obviously aiming to overhaul the Army's command structure,” the official said. “Since only President Trump holds the actual authority to remove Secretary [Dan] Driscoll, Hegseth worked around that restriction by clearing out the personnel in Driscoll's immediate orbit instead.”

    George had spearheaded an overhaul of the way the Army modernizes, notching big wins like getting the service’s next main battle tank into soldiers’ hands five years ahead of schedule. He was also a main player in the Army Transformation Initiative, a long list of reforms the Army had been asking for that Hegseth signed off on last April. 

    “The tallest blade of grass is the first to be cut by the scythe,” the official said. 

    A spokesman for Driscoll did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

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  • ShinyHunters hackers claim they stole 3 million+ Cisco records via Salesforce and AWS, warning of a public leak if demands are not met by April 3, 2026.

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  • A large-scale credential harvesting operation has been observed exploiting the React2Shell vulnerability as an initial infection vector to steal database credentials, SSH private keys, Amazon Web Services (AWS) secrets, shell command history, Stripe API keys, and GitHub tokens at scale. Cisco Talos has attributed the operation to a threat cluster it tracks as

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  • The Pentagon is negotiating to buy Ukrainian interceptor drones, having concluded that no American manufacturer can match the price, delivery times, and battlefield-tested reliability. A drone developed by UK firm Skycutter with Ukraine’s SkyFall recently scored 99.3 out of 100 in the Pentagon’s own Drone Dominance evaluation, beating every U.S. competitor by more than ten points. Before Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukraine had about seven domestic drone manufacturers. It now has roughly 500. Last year, they produced a rough total of four million drones, exceeding by far the combined output of all NATO members; in 2026, they are aiming to make seven million.

    The technology is not the story. The organizational model behind it is. 

    What Ukraine’s drone ecosystem has built is what U.S. Air Force Col. John Boyd theorized in the 1970s and 1980s but almost no institution has managed to implement: a distributed observe-orient-decide-act architecture at industrial scale, where the feedback between battlefield observation and production action operates faster than any comparable system in history. Three principles from that model apply directly to how Western defense leaders think about acquisition reform.

    Observation nodes belong at the point of use, not at the top of a reporting chain. In Western defense procurement, the distance between a battlefield observation and an engineering change is measured in years. After-action reports travel through chains of command, requirements committees draft specifications, and engineering change proposals enter configuration-management queues. Ukraine’s three-year-old Brave1 platform has created a national marketplace where frontline units order drones directly from certified manufacturers. (The platform has served orders totaling more than $235 million so far.) Real-time dashboards feed confirmed-hit data, strike distances, and failure modes back to producers continuously. The frontline operator is the primary sensor in the system, not a customer at the end of a supply chain. Put another way, the people who use the drones provide the design feedback that shapes the next production run. 

    Shared failure data is a strategic asset, not a competitive vulnerability. When Russia deployed stronger electronic warfare systems, Ukrainian engineers across the 500-company network responded simultaneously with fiber-optic guidance, encrypted multiband links, AI-assisted targeting, and hybrid systems that switch from fiber-optic to radio when the cable breaks. No single authority ordered these responses. Manufacturers share what breaks across competitors, and the shared orientation made the problem visible to everyone at once. Most solutions failed. The ones that survived combat testing propagated through the network within weeks. In most Western corporate and defense settings, failure data is hidden behind classification walls or treated as liability exposure. That is an orientation-impoverishment strategy, and it is one of the primary reasons centralized procurement systems cannot match the adaptation speed of a distributed network.

    Decision authority belongs where the information is richest and most current. Ukrainian military units independently select which manufacturers to order from, switching suppliers based on what works under fire rather than waiting for committee approval. The soldier is the procurement officer. There is no requirements document, no multi-year contract cycle, no bureaucratic intermediary between battlefield judgement and resource allocation. Capital flows to demonstrated effectiveness, measured in confirmed hits, not to incumbency or contractual position. Boyd argued that decision authority must sit with the person closest to the most current information. Ukraine has institutionalized that principle in a manner that has no precedent in modern defense procurement.

    Two Western cases demonstrate that these principles can work outside a wartime ecosystem. In early 2025, Saab, the Swedish Air Force, and the FMV developed and evaluated the Loke counter-UAS system in 84 days, not by circumventing regulation but by repurposing proven components and explicitly authorizing departure from standard process. From April through September, Loke was operational at Malbork Air Base, a NATO base in Poland. 

    And when U.S. engineers recovered a downed Iranian Shahed-136, they did not commission a requirements study. They disassembled it, rebuilt it with American guidance and satellite datalink systems, and fielded the LUCAS drone in about five months at $35,000 per unit. The Tomahawk it partially replaces costs north of $2 million. In both cases, the bottleneck was organizational, not technical.

    There are, of course, real objections. What works under wartime emergency may not translate into the institutional architecture that sustained great-power competition demands. Fragmentation, corruption risk, and the absence of standardization are genuine constraints. These principles apply where the product is modular and the iteration cycle can be measured in weeks: drones, electronic countermeasures, software-defined systems. They do not apply to submarines or next-generation fighters. The argument concerns the growing category of defense capabilities where speed of adaptation determines effectiveness.

    Consider the cycle time in your own organization between a signal from the front line and a change in what you produce. Consider who has authority to act on that signal without waiting for approval from someone further from the information. If the answers are months or years, and someone in a committee, Ukraine’s drone entrepreneurs have built the organizational proof that a faster, more adaptive model is not theory. It is operational, at scale, under fire.

    The rest of us have the luxury of learning it before the pressure arrives.

    Göran Roos is a retired Swedish Army Reserve major and a Visiting Professor in Business Performance and Intangible Asset Management at the Centre for Business Performance, Cranfield School of Management, Cranfield University.

    Johan Roos is a retired Swedish Army Reserve captain and a professor in Strategy and Executive Advisor at Hult International Business School.

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  • Microsoft warns of a WhatsApp attachments spreading VBS malware that installs backdoors on Windows PCs, giving hackers remote access and control systems.

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  • Cisco has released updates to address a critical security flaw in the Integrated Management Controller (IMC) that, if successfully exploited, could allow an unauthenticated, remote attacker to bypass authentication and gain access to the system with elevated privileges. The vulnerability, tracked as CVE-2026-20093, carries a CVSS score of 9.8 out of a maximum of 10.0. “This

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